In Swaziland , Sobhuza II in declared a state of emergency, suspended the constitution, dissolved parliament and all political parties, and consolidated his rule after a more radical opposition party showed strength in the elections. In a new constitution ensured the continued power of the monarchy in alliance with selected chiefs. This ruling elite used its domination of the state and land to accumulate wealth in close collaboration with foreign mainly South African investors.
Until the death of Sobhuza II in , all opposition to the government and to its close links with South Africa was suppressed. Fears that the more radical BCP would win the elections in Lesotho led Jonathan, supported by South Africa, to declare a state of emergency, annul the election, and suspend the constitution.
Alarm at the NP victory in South Africa also stimulated Britain into federating its south-central African territories as a bulwark against Afrikaner nationalism. Even before World War II, Northern Rhodesian whites had begun to consider federation with Southern Rhodesia as a response to growing African assertiveness, and support for federation increased after the war. At the same time, the growing importance of the copper industry in Northern Rhodesia attracted Southern Rhodesian whites to the idea of federation.
Wartime collaboration promoted federal ideas among white settlers and in British government circles. It was widely assumed that Southern Rhodesia would provide managerial and administrative skills, Northern Rhodesia copper revenues, and Nyasaland labour for the new entity. Prosperity muted African protest in the early years of federation, although dissent mounted in the impoverished reserves of Southern Rhodesia, where disaffection was fueled by attempts to restructure peasant production at a time of growing landlessness and congestion on inferior land.
Despite the rhetoric of multiracial partnership, the economic advantages of federation appeared mainly to benefit Southern Rhodesian whites. By the late s more militant national movements had emerged in the Central African Federation and were attempting to mobilize a disaffected peasantry in all three territories.
The emergence of these nationalist movements profoundly disturbed the federal authorities. After sporadic unrest in Nyasaland in a state of emergency was declared, while in all three territories nationalist leaders were arrested and their organizations banned. The crackdown set off further disorder, and in the northern territories the British were persuaded to move toward decolonization. By —62 the nationalists had been released and new constitutions drawn up, and in the federation was dissolved.
Banda and Kaunda differed greatly in their relations with the liberation struggles in the rest of Southern Africa. In the hope of gaining control of northern Mozambique, Banda negotiated with the Portuguese and withheld assistance from Mozambican nationalists, who during the s were beginning their military campaign.
Although initially Zambia was as tied economically to Rhodesia and the Portuguese colonies, Kaunda backed the resistance movements there and supported United Nations UN sanctions against the white government in Rhodesia. He paid a heavy price. During the late s Malawi, long believed to have successful rural development policies, also faced economic crisis. After the war Portugal sought to maintain its colonies in the face of growing, if still slight, African urban nationalist movements by increasing the settler population dramatically.
This was facilitated in Angola by a coffee boom and the discovery of minerals and petroleum and in Mozambique by government-instituted agricultural schemes. These developments brought little benefit to the majority of Africans, however, who continued to work as ill-paid migrant labourers, their upward mobility blocked by settlers. Even in areas of limited fertility, Africans still had to produce their quota of cotton, rice, or coffee; most of the good land was taken over by wealthy white landowners and multinational companies, and the forced labour codes remained in operation until The longest, most divided, and bloodiest wars against colonialism in the subcontinent occurred in the Portuguese colonies.
War first erupted in Angola in , in a series of apparently unconnected uprisings. In Mozambique the nationalist organizations were initially more successfully united. Internal dissent had been crushed by , and Frelimo launched a guerrilla war against targets in northern Mozambique, claiming to have established its own administrative, educational, and economic networks in the northern districts. Despite the assassination of Mondlane in , a new phase of the war opened in under the leadership of Samora Machel , and by Frelimo controlled much of northern and central Mozambique.
Large numbers of black troops were recruited, and villagers supporting the guerrillas were subjected to savage reprisals. In a bid to attract international support, Portugal opened the colonies to foreign investment in , and by the late s the regime also instituted modest economic and educational reforms to preempt the nationalists and meet rising demands for a semiskilled workforce. But the reforms were too few and too late, and in April the sheer cost of the wars—together with rising dissatisfaction with the government in Portugal—led to an army coup, the collapse of the Portuguese government, and Portuguese withdrawal from Africa.
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When the Portuguese left Luanda in November , Angola was in the throes of a civil war between its divided liberation movements. The MPLA eventually established control of Angola under Neto, but its government was undermined by South African incursions, the flight of most of the settlers at independence, incursions of Kongo peoples from Congo Kinshasa , hostility from the United States, and its own doctrinaire economic policies.
The country was severely hit by a drastic cutback in recruitment by the South African Chamber of Mines in and, like Zambia, paid heavily for obeying UN sanctions against Rhodesia and for supporting the liberation movements. Nevertheless, in the early years of independence, Frelimo abolished many of the most hated aspects of colonial rule and greatly increased the availability of welfare resources for the black populace.
African liberation in Rhodesia was closely tied to the independence struggles in Mozambique. The election of —boycotted by African nationalists—was won by the extreme right-wing Rhodesian Front RF party, which ran on a platform of immediate independence under white control.
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The Central African Federation was dissolved in Britain was unwilling to grant Rhodesia independence; in the RF, under the leadership of Ian Smith , unilaterally declared Rhodesia independent. Under the RF, government policies came even closer to those in South Africa. Although Rhodesia had an ostensibly colour-blind franchise, less than 1 percent of Africans were able to vote.
The powers of chiefs were bolstered and discriminatory legislation increased. Despite international pressure, Britain refused to use force against the illegal regime. International economic sanctions were undermined by South Africa, Portugal, and multinational oil companies. White commercial agriculture was heavily subsidized and competed with African peasants, who felt the main burden of the sanctions. Various attempts by the British to resolve the conflict—including a referendum on a new constitution in —all failed, and by the late s the Rhodesian army and the guerrillas pursued the war with increasing ferocity, both sides often intimidating and torturing recruits in the rural areas.
By it had become clear that the Rhodesian government would not win the war, and Smith, under pressure from Western countries and South Africa, agreed in to allow the internal African opposition to contest multiracial elections the following year. Thus, despite the appointment of a black prime minister, the war continued unabated. In renewed negotiations in London ultimately led to a peace settlement that established majority rule, and in Mugabe and ZANU won a landslide electoral victory.
Early in Mugabe sent government forces to punish the people of Matabeleland. Despite the withdrawal of troops and an amnesty in , memories of this brutal counterinsurgency campaign were even more traumatic than recollections of the liberation struggle. The idea of a one-party state was dropped amid calls for reparations for the massacres in Matabeleland and for greater public accountability.
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Although the early years of Zimbabwean independence were economically promising, with the return of investment as sanctions were lifted and a series of good harvests, much of the white economy and bureaucracy remained intact, and gross inequalities persisted. Despite its revolutionary rhetoric, ZANU which ruled Zimbabwe into the mid s seemed more intent on replacing white government with black than with transforming the lives of the poor. The economy grew dramatically, increasing the mobility of black workers and creating an urban-based black intelligentsia for the first time.
Apartheid was extended to South West Africa, however, and in the mid s its reserves were also consolidated into seven ethnically defined homelands under tribal authorities.
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After years of fruitless peaceful protest, SWAPO began a military campaign against the government in The independence of Angola prompted changes in South African strategy toward Namibia during the late s, as South Africa attempted to transform the territory into a quasi-independent buffer against more radical change by proposing complex constitutional arrangements for a transitional government. The strategy, based on the co-option of a local black elite as a moderate alternative to SWAPO, was intended to placate international opinion while leaving control of Namibia in South African hands and keeping its military options open.
The constitutional proposals were rejected by the international community , however, and in the UN Security Council passed Resolution , which set out proposals for a cease-fire and UN-supervised elections. South Africa did not move to implement this resolution, though it had accepted similar proposals earlier. By the second half of the s—in part because South Africa once more had been drawn into invading Angola—the war in Namibia was becoming increasingly costly for South Africa in military, political, economic, and diplomatic terms.
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In Namibia finally achieved independence. The process of decolonization in south-central Africa and the High Commission territories was generally peaceful. By the late s the few remaining nonindependent African countries were all in settler-dominated Southern Africa. The s were a time of escalating wars of liberation in Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe.
The independence of the Portuguese colonies under self-styled Marxist governments was crucial in shifting the balance of power against the remaining white minority states in the subcontinent. International involvement in the region increased, and by only South Africa and Namibia remained under minority rule.
In response, P. Botha , who became prime minister of South Africa in and led South Africa until , massively increased defense expenditures and began a low-grade war on the neighbouring states, determined to destroy all ANC bases. At the same time, Botha pursued an internal program of constitutional reform, which strengthened the powers of the state president and increased repression of the black majority.
The South African military assumed greater political importance. South Africa destabilized the region by arming internal dissidents, who attacked schools, clinics, railways, and harbours. With each new volunteer, we see young people working together to help safeguard our delicate natural world, and the people in it. As young people, we come of age with a critical eye and a hopeful heart.
We are unafraid to call out the injustices we see, and are fiercely inspired to do something about it. It is an investment in a new generation of climate leaders who take their experience of UKYCC into their personal and professional lives wherever they go. It may have been the two of us who came up with a name and a bad one at that! I know I certainly got all those things from my time with UKYCC - to find myself building and managing a large organisation with multiple projects gave me all sorts of skills and experience that proved incredibly valuable as I moved on into new roles.
Error #2: Not Creating a Powerful Enough Guiding Coalition
For me, we have achieved two incredible successes. Firstly, we have built an organisation capable of being the starting point for people wanting to take action on climate change that includes people of different ages, locations, political persuasions and - crucially people with radically different approaches to solving the climate crisis. Our second contribution has been to change the climate movement and make it accessible and real to everyone - not just traditional climate activists. Without that, we would wrongly remain a niche movement of stereotypes.
Against the odds, we have truly inspired, empowered, mobilised and united young people around a vision for the future. Now, more than ever, we must fight for that. Alex Farrow.